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Local-level consultations, awareness-raising and decision-making remain largely underutilized while local communities are often most affected by electoral violence. This programmatic option explores ways in which we may enhance systematized, organic and institutionalized platforms for consultations and monitoring since local parliaments, among other bodies, may contribute to the prevention of electoral violence.
The local level seems to be the most fragile when it comes to election violence with reports showing that the potential for electoral fraudulent behaviour, corruption and procedural misuse and even obstruction seems present at the local level. While all the institutional checks and balances are located in the capital city, local-level government comprising local parliaments seems to leave plenty of room for unmonitored activities by political parties.
In local parliaments, depending on the countries’ local self-government and administration organization, the public is encouraged to participate in the following:
Organizing public input for local parliaments should be systematic and structured to facilitate decision-making at the local level. This process should also include recommendations for further action and communication with national parliaments regarding the potential impact of laws, the need for amendments, and collaboration with independent oversight bodies to safeguard human rights. In many developing democracies, there is an established framework involving local self-government and local parliaments, as well as independent oversight bodies – such as local ombudsman offices in some countries – that operate effectively at the local level. However, there appears to be a lack of synergy, exchange and systematic collection and analysis of input as well as failures to share regulatory impact assessments among these entities.
When designing this activity, the following activities may be considered:
Enabling public dialogue is critical for achieving SDGs and generating an understanding of the need for localization of SDGs. Support for engagement of women’s parliamentary networks has also showed results in the past, working with peers and transferring knowledge to peers in local assemblies. Working at the local level, whether this entails taking parliamentary committees to mobile sessions (as was the case in Armenia, Georgia and Serbia) or working with local/provincial assemblies (UNDP PDR Lao), helps local leaders feel less marginalized and provides a unique opportunity for dialogue. Local-level events have often seen a higher number of participants sometimes for the sheer fact that many people cannot afford to travel to the capital, yet this has at times been neglected or at least underexplored. Such platforms provide a potent entry point for ordinary people to take part in sustaining peace efforts (UNDP, 2007). In Mexico, for example, we take note of online platforms facilitating live streaming of parliament sessions, thereby bringing it closer to the people, and developing parliamentary initiatives to establish dialogues with experts and civil society organizations (CSOs). Mexico is also interesting for its local parliament dynamics with opportunities for civic space.
Women peacebuilders are another field that can benefit from support to continue ensuring their rights are guaranteed and their causes supported. Women peacebuilders are actively working at the grassroots level, on the prevention of violence and conflict and the prevention of sexual and gender-based violence against women and girls, among other areas. Their role in prevention efforts, including in the area of electoral violence, cannot be neglected as they amplify the voices of those that seem to be the most affected by electoral violence. Their role is indispensable in local communities affected by violent conflicts and crisis. Finally, they may advocate with governments for the implementation of laws that promote and protect women, girls, men and boys, and gender-equality allies to support women and girls’ empowerment, leadership and rights. (Global Network of Women Peacebuilders, 2024)
The 2024 elections seem to have been the most violent elections in Mexico so far if we look at the perpetuation of violence during the entire electoral process. Political disagreements (even within one party option or opposition), economic grounds, territorial control by criminal groups and similar causes seem to be attributed to this type of violence. Interestingly, Mexican think tanks report the incidence of violence primarily taking place at the local level in particular areas of the country. Moreover, all political parties reported victims of some type of electoral violence. At the same time, political parties seem to have shown little or no interest in addressing the electoral violence that directly impacted their party members running for elections. Seemingly, no complaints were made to relevant authorities. The Mexican think tank Laboratorio Electoral, recorded 17 municipalities with the highest incidence of violence and as much as a 38-percent decrease in participation. Electoral authorities reported that the electoral violence had no effect on elections despite the killing of 11 candidates during the electoral process. In addition, many attacks and threats were recorded against candidates and their families. There is a clear plea from think tanks monitoring elections to all segments of society to hold consultations to address this unprecedented level of electoral violence. It was observed that the electoral violence affected the country’s stability, which in turn affected authorities and electoral bodies, among other actors. It seems to have been perpetrated by both State and non-State actors and that electoral violence, at least in the case of Mexico, did not have any partisan bias. Violence occurred before, during and after the electoral process. Finally, there is an evident need to conduct more investigation and research on electoral violence and its impact on the resources used for campaigning, among other issues. (Labooratorio Electoral, 2024)
The example of the Kenyan constitutional reform showed that it was impossible to divide national and presidential elections, leading to the propensity of electoral violence. In order to resolve this, they had to decentralize and empower local government, which acted preventively against electoral violence.
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